Chapter 02

The Inheritance

Fig. 021868 – 1968

Abstract

The Inheritance argues that Albert Bartlett invented none of the populationism his 1969 lecture taught — he reached for an apparatus, a vocabulary, and an audience already assembled across the first half of the twentieth century. It traces four currents: the institutional eugenics apparatus Charles Davenport and Harry Laughlin built at the Eugenics Record Office between 1910 and 1940, ratified in Buck v. Bell and codified into sterilization law by thirty-three states; the German science of Lebensraum, from Friedrich Ratzel through Rudolf Kjellén to Karl Haushofer; the American conservation movement that shared donors and personnel with eugenics through Madison Grant, Henry Fairfield Osborn, and the Boone and Crockett Club; and the postwar population-concern community of the Population Council, the Hugh Moore Fund, Paul Ehrlich, Garrett Hardin, and the Club of Rome. The chapter’s claim is not that these actors were conscious eugenicists but that mid-century populationism inherited its epistemic infrastructure — its categories, its questions, its institutions, and its audiences — from a formation built for other purposes, an inheritance that shaped what the community could see, say, build, and imagine.

From the chapter opening:

Albert Bartlett did not invent the population concern community. When he drew his fraction on the chalkboard in September 1969 and asked his students to consider what doubling at a constant rate meant for a city, an oil field, or a planet, he was not introducing a novel argument. He was reaching for tools that had been forged across the first half of the twentieth century by people who would have recognized themselves as kindred. The doubling-time rule was a refinement of the demographic accounting that the Population Association of America had institutionalized in 1931. The bacteria-in-a-bottle thought experiment was a teacher’s simplification of the carrying-capacity reasoning that William Vogt’s 1948 Road to Survival and Paul Ehrlich’s 1968 Population Bomb had taught two generations of American readers to recognize as ecological common sense. The audience that filed into Boulder lecture halls and church basements to hear Bartlett’s tutorial had been prepared for him by twenty years of foundation-funded population research, two decades of family planning programs administered through USAID and the World Bank, and a public discourse in which terms like “overpopulation,” “carrying capacity,” and “the developing world” had become the natural language of environmental concern.

This chapter traces the predecessors to Bartlett’s 1969 lecture through four currents that together assembled an apparatus, a vocabulary, and an audience. The first current is the institutional eugenics apparatus that Charles Davenport and Harry Laughlin built at the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor between 1910 and 1940, that thirty-three states codified into sterilization law, that the Supreme Court ratified in Buck v. Bell in 1927, and that the postwar repudiation of explicit eugenics reorganized rather than dismantled. The categories the apparatus produced — differential fertility, hereditary fitness, racial composition as a governable variable — survived the discrediting of the ideology that built them, and they migrated into the demographic and population-science institutions that the postwar period regarded as the apparatus’s successors.

The second current is the German biogeographical tradition that Friedrich Ratzel coined as Lebensraum in 1897, that Johan Rudolf Kjellén translated into the administrative apparatus of the modern state in the early twentieth century, and that Karl Haushofer fused into the territorial doctrine the Nazi state administered through the Munich Geopolitical Institute. While the doctrine’s vocabulary and the atrocities it enabled were condemned at Nuremberg, its analytical operations — the treatment of populations as ecological variables, the management of territory as a function of demographic composition, the appeal to natural necessity as the warrant for political coercion — remain very alive.